H..W..2

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Graduate level.
   Perfect grammar.
   APA format.
   Research the topic and then present the research.
   Similarity report must be below 20%.

Analyze a Case

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Instructions

Over the last 7 weeks, you learned about both the theoretical side and the practical side of the

conflict. You’ve seen yourself in a conflict situation, and you’ve seen yourself as the mediator of

a conflict. This week, you will combine all the information, and then you will analyze and set the

stage for successful mediation of the case found in your resources, titled Office Sharing. As you

move through the process of case analysis and mediation preparation, answer the following

questions:

• What factors lead to this being an appropriate case for mediation?
• What is the conflict about?
• What are the positions and interests of each party to the conflict?
• Who are the parties to the conflict?
• How has the conflict progressed?
• What type of mediation intervention would be most appropriate?
• Who needs to participate in the mediation, and how would you involve/approach them?
• What, if any, are the cultural, ethnic, gender, or other issues; and how will each affect your

decisions regarding the entry phase of the mediation?
• How would you conduct the first three phases of mediation (Moore, p. 186) and establish trust,

rapport, and credibility among parties to the conflict?
• What arena, physical arrangements and procedures would you choose, and why?
• What might be some substantive, procedural, and psychological issues related to the parties –

and how might you deal with them?
• What strategy might you employ to address the above-mentioned issues if your assessment is

correct and they emerge during mediation?
• What conditions must be present for a win-win outcome to occur – and what do you foresee as

a potential win-win for the disputants in this case?
• How might psychological closure be important to redefining the relationship and supporting a

lasting agreement? What actions might be necessary to bring this closure about?
• What are some of the voluntary commitment procedures that may be employed here – and how

might they enhance the success of an agreement between the parties?
• Who are the parties that might threaten a good agreement – and how can those threats be

addressed or neutralized during the mediation process?
• In Week 1, you were asked what you needed in this course. Did you get want you needed? Why

or why not?

Length: 8-10 pages, not including title or reference pages

References: Include a minimum of 5 scholarly resources.

Your assignment should demonstrate thoughtful consideration of the ideas and concepts

presented in the course by providing new thoughts and insights relating directly to this topic.

Your response should reflect scholarly writing and current APA standards.

Looking to the Future

In a brief 8-week course, it is nearly impossible to cover every facet of conflict and adequately

discuss all the ways to resolve it. The aim of this course was to help you become adept at

interpreting conflict and identifying options that result in a favorable outcome for all

stakeholders. And as you’ve learned by now, constructive responses and mediation skills

developed through a focused effort to understand communication patterns, interpersonal

relationships, and communication skills can produce successful conflict resolution. Theory, self-

reflection, and enhancement of conflict skills, cultural understanding, structure, and practice of

collaborative and mediated negotiations were emphasized throughout the course. Now, it’s time

to explore the future, reflect a bit on what you’ve learned over the last 7 weeks, and decide how

you will use this new knowledge moving forward.

Be sure to review this week’s resources carefully. You are expected to apply the information

from these resources when you prepare your assignments.

Chapter 12
The Place and Status of the Generalist Approach in

the Field of Conflict Resolution
As the generalist approach has now been outlined, it is important to consider

what place that it has in the field of conflict resolution, as well as its potential place
looking forward into the future. This chapter examines how the generalist approach
integrates with specialist forms of conflict resolution practice. It also provides a
discussion of how the generalist approach opens up opportunities for the field of
conflict resolution, by taking a ‘both/and’ instead of an ‘either/or’ orientation towards
conflict interventions and offering new possibilities for the use of elicitive and
indigenous conflict interventions. The chapter then considers the Guide’s role and how
flexible, adaptable, and connected they need to be with others in the field of conflict
resolution. Ultimately, The Generalist Approach to Conflict Resolution can be seen as
having created a vessel and a means to conduct conflict resolution scholarship and
practice, however this is just a starting point, so it also offers interested scholar-
practitioners a chance to develop the approach. This chapter concludes by presenting
a ship as a metaphor for the approach and asks interested scholar-practitioners to
come aboard and join the journey to develop the approach, although at this point the
destination for this voyage is as yet unknown.

THE PLACE OF THE GENERALIST APPROACH IN THE FIELD OF
CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Where does the generalist approach fit into the overall body of conflict resolution
practice and scholarship? In answering this question, it is first important to note that
the generalist approach was not designed to be seen as a panacea or an overarching
approach to conflict resolution that would provide an all-encompassing framework for
the profession or replace existing approaches to practice. Quite the contrary, the
generalist approach should be considered one way that certain interested scholar-
practitioners can engage in conflict resolution practice and scholarship (peace studies
is considered here to be included in the field of conflict resolution). It is one approach
among the vast array of ever-increasing alternative approaches to practice and
scholarship in the field. In this sense, it represents a new perspective on scholarship
and practice that should find a place in the field, a way to conduct conflict analysis
and intervention that suits certain settings and scholar-practitioners but not others.
The generalist approach must not be understood as seeking to be ‘general’ in terms
of being all-encompassing or predominant. It is ‘general’ in the sense that it draws
from a wide range of scholarship and practice, which is a big part of what makes the
approach unique in the field of conflict resolution.

This vision for the generalist approach should make it evident that the approach
is highly compatible with, it indeed relies upon, specialized approaches to conflict

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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resolution that are specialized. A wide array of specialist approaches to practice and
scholarship have emerged in the field of conflict resolution, which are highly valued in
the generalist approach and provide a necessary precondition for generalist practice
and scholarship. Without specialized forms of practice, the generalist approach would
not be possible, as Guides help parties choose among those specialized options to
address their conflicts. If there were no specialists or specialized approaches to
scholarship and practice in the field of conflict resolution, there would be no need to
assist conflict parties in selecting which interventions are the most suitable. If this
were the case, there would be no way to implement the generalist approach. The
generalist approach and the Guides following it have a synergistic relationship with
specialist approaches to conflict resolution. This is illustrated by Guides when they
seek to understand, employ, and build upon the work of a wide-range of specialist
conflict resolution scholar-practitioners, while enhancing conflict parties’ awareness of
various forms of specialist practice and illustrating how they could be applied to their
conflicts. Indeed, Guides may even be well versed in one or another form of specialist
scholarship or practice, which they may be able to use with various parties who come
to them for assistance, when these interventions are suitable.

Some scholar-practitioners in the field of conflict resolution may still believe that
the generalist approach may not suit the field of conflict resolution, even though it has
proven its utility in other fields such as medicine and social work. One central critique
of the approach would be that it does not make sense to have parties select among a
range of conflict resolution theories to determine which are the most “suitable” for
addressing their conflicts. According to this line of reasoning, a specialist practitioner
might suggest that many or most conflicts could be viewed from the standpoint of
many theoretical lenses (considering party needs, interests, narratives, or any other
specific differences that a theoretical lens suggests impede the parties’ ability to
address their conflicts), none of which would be the best or ideal way to analyze or
address a particular conflict. From this point of view, it makes sense for scholar-
practitioners to use the theoretical lens that they are most familiar with to address
conflicts when parties come to them for assistance. Scholar-practitioners would then
be able to provide parties with a clear path with which to address their conflicts that
accords with their own theoretical dispositions and would be as viable and effective
as any other, even more so in some cases. Specialist scholar-practitioners may even
feel that suggesting that theories, practice models, or processes are in any way
interchangeable trivializes the vast differences in the worldviews and perspectives of
scholar-practitioners, which are often based on rich, comprehensive theoretical bases
that they are deeply committed to.

The concern that the generalist approach may seem to trivialize the differences
between theoretical orientations or conflict interventions is very serious and needs to
be closely considered. One response to this concern is that this line of reasoning
conflates the point of view of those who are choosing their conflict interventions and
those who are studying or implementing them. When choosing conflict interventions, it
is necessary to distinguish the features that make each unique in a clear and

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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understandable way. This means that much of the nuances and complexities of any
given theory may be glossed over in order to clearly map out the implications of
selecting a given theoretical approach or conflict intervention, relative to the other
options that may be available. This does not mean that the theories or interventions
would or should be considered this simplistic or straightforward from the point of view
of a scholar-practitioner who has dedicated their career to understanding a chosen
theoretical orientation or conflict intervention in great depth. From this vantage point,
a theoretical orientation or conflict intervention is much more holistic and nuanced for
the specialist scholar-practitioners dedicated to them. For a scholar-practitioner who
has spent their professional life studying and conducting transformative mediation for
example, they could possibly take weeks to describe the approach and its virtues to a
conflict party. However, this level of understanding is excessive for a party who
merely needs to consider whether transformative mediation would be the way that
they would like to address their particular conflict. When deciding what conflict
resolution approach would be the preferred way to address a given conflict,
pragmatism and clarity must be prioritized but this is not meant to imply that
theoretical differences between different approaches to conflict resolution are in any
way trivial.

Another source of concern is that conflict theories and interventions may appear
to be “interchangeable” in the generalist approach, when, from the standpoint of
scholar-practitioners who have spent their professional lives understanding their
particular approach, they may not appear to be comparable at all. Considering
“models” of practice, like the transformative, problem-solving, or narrative mediation
models in the generalist approach for instance, might seem to unfairly characterize
these vastly disparate approaches as interchangeable, simplistic, and comparable.
For example, Docherty (2001) considers the implications of viewing the conflict that
occurred in Waco, Texas, in 1993, between federal agents and Branch Davidians,
through the theoretical lens of worldview conflict. She suggests that the negotiations
that federal agents had with the Branch Davidians could have been more productive,
and may have even averted the ultimate disastrous conclusion to the conflict (in which
over 70 people died), if the federal agents had used the theoretical lens of worldview
conflict for their analysis and intervention, rather than a traditional crisis negotiation
strategy. However, these different approaches should not be considered
“interchangeable.” The idea that parties in a conflict could potentially consider
different theoretical approaches when addressing their conflict does not mean that
those theoretical approaches should be considered comparable or interchangeable.
In this example, worldview conflict and traditional crisis negotiation are predicated on
very different theoretical assumptions, are conducted quite differently, and can lead to
extremely disparate outcomes. Selecting one approach over another can imply a very
different path for conflict parties, with numerous unique assumptions underlying each
path. It is left to Guides to carefully and clearly map out the implications of these
choices for parties, so that they will then be in a position to consider the strengths,
weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of each one. Then the parties will be in a

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position to decide which theoretical approach would be the best choice for them. The
approaches themselves still retain their holistic, comprehensive, and theoretically-
dense character.

One of the great advantages of the generalist approach to conflict resolution is
that decision making can take on more of a ‘both/and,’ rather than an ‘either/or’
character. In the generalist approach, parties may choose to engage in more than
one intervention simultaneously or in sequence. Therefore, in cases such as the
example above between the federal agents and the Branch Davidians, perhaps it is
necessary for federal agents to engage in traditional crisis negotiations for the
protection of the public, for their proven effectiveness to diffuse tensions, or for other
reasons. However, maybe it would be possible to employ the worldview approach in
a parallel process, either in a separate dialogue or by having co-negotiators use
different approaches. The Branch Davidians could also discuss their concerns directly
with the media or ask to engage in a mediated process with government officials as
their negotiations unfold with the FBI. As has been noted earlier, it is critical in such
instances that the Guides and the parties continually consider the interaction effects
that could occur among different interventions to ensure that multiple processes do
not work against or inhibit one another. These interaction effects can be monitored in
part by considering single systems research findings, as well as observing and
monitoring the effects of interventions more broadly. However, this ‘both/and’
approach to decision making opens up many intriguing possibilities and may allow
Guides and parties to more comprehensively and holistically address conflicts.

It may also be argued that there is no “most suitable” type of intervention or
theoretical lens with which to view a given conflict. This arguement makes it seem like
there is a “right way” to address conflicts that parties and Guides must find to ensure
the “goodness of fit” between conflicts and interventions. However, if there was one
perfect intervention for any given conflict, no one party would be able to make that
determination on their own as every conflict stakeholder has a different viewpoint. In
fact, many would argue that it is neither desirable nor possible to make such a
determination. Thus, it is critical to point out that the generalist approach does not
facilitate such a search for the holy grail of interventions for each conflict, but rather
assists the parties to determine the interventions and theoretical approaches that they
feel the most comfortable with, are most likely to lead them to their goals and
preferred futures, and are conducted in a way that best suits their values and
dispositions. This does not mean that the parties have to find the perfect interventions
or approaches, merely the interventions and approaches that they prefer in response
to their particular circumstances and dispositions. Conflict parties can also try certain
interventions and approaches, decide that the approaches in fact do not suit them,
and then try something else at a later time. Their preferences may change over time.
The key is that the parties have a choice of interventions and can decide what they
think would suit them and their needs at a given time with the information at their
disposal.

Given that parties have such wide choices available to them, Guides need to be
Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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flexible and open, adapting to changes to the conflict system and the evolving
decisions of the conflict parties. Interventions can target different systems at different
levels. Therefore, the generalist approach may suit conflict resolution scholar-
practitioners who are able step out of their comfort zone and consider an incredibly
broad spectrum of possible interventions and theoretical approaches. This means that
Guides must give up any allegiances that they might have to certain theories or
processes, at least during party decision making. This orientation also opens Guides
up to connecting with a wide range of scholar-practitioners in their community, to
whom they can refer parties or from whom they can get advice, wisdom, or
necessary resources. Hence, Guides need to be connected to other scholar-
practitioners more than might be called for in other approaches to conflict resolution.
Guides should network broadly in the field of conflict resolution as part of their
ongoing professional development as well, to ensure that their breadth of
understanding in the field keeps expanding.

One of the interesting prospects that the generalist approach opens up is that
scholar-practitioners can consider using indigenous approaches to conflict resolution
and approaches that emerge from the context of parties, rather than from the field of
conflict resolution. Because the generalist approach to conflict resolution allows
parties to determine the most suitable interventions for themselves, those
interventions could be elicited from them rather than being prescribed to them by the
Guide (Lederach, 1995). For example, if a Guide was working with a Native American
nation and assisting them with their conflict with a state government, they might find
out that certain approaches to conflict resolution that had been developed by their
nation would be well suited to addressing the conflict (like a peacemaking circle of
some sort). In other approaches to conflict resolution, scholar-practitioners may
suggest to the parties that their preferred interventions (like interest-based
communication) would be the ideal ones to address the conflict, perhaps even stating
that it is the only way that they would be comfortable assisting the parties. As the
generalist approach does not require Guides to be “experts” in conducting the
processes, models, techniques, and theories that form the intervention system, they
have more flexibility to incorporate conflict resolution processes that are elicited from
the parties and their context.

WHAT IS THE STATUS OF THE GENERALIST APPROACH TO CONFLICT
RESOLUTION?

The Generalist Approach to Conflict Resolution is meant to provide an initial
framework for the generalist approach, not a definitive one. It might be thought of as
a ship that has been constructed for Guides to take a long voyage across the vast
sea of conflict resolution. I hope that the ship is sufficiently sturdy and the voyage
interesting enough that they will attract a variety of Guides to undertake this journey.
This ship will continue to be improved upon, when we better know how it fares in
response to given conflicts and circumstances. Certainly other Guides will have new

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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insights that can help to build and improve on the generalist approach as it is
presented here. I believe that there will be many interesting destinations on this
voyage and, even though the ultimate destination cannot be known at this point, I think
that the journey will prove to be extraordinary.

The framework for the generalist approach ensures that this is a bounded form
of scholarship and practice with clear parameters, that the ship is sturdy and
seaworthy. The foundation for the framework for the generalist approach consists of
the theories, values, orientation, and principles that ensure Guides are able to
maintain their flexibility and creativity, while retaining an ethical and theoretically
consistent stance. Theoretical eclecticism, for example, could lead to an open free-
for-all form of conflict resolution practice, unless it is bounded like it is here in the
generalist approach. Instead of taking bits and pieces from different forms of
practice, the generalist approach asks Guides to assist parties to select approaches
or models in their entirety. If hybrid forms of practice and scholarship are deemed
necessary in specific instances, Guides need to carefully monitor the results and
modify or discontinue such practices, if necessary. This foundation thus provides
Guides with solid footing from which to act and make decisions on the generalist ship
that has been constructed.

Guides themselves have a unique role in the field of conflict resolution. Instead of
primarily conducting conflict resolution interventions, Guides must first and foremost
assist parties in selecting the interventions that they believe would best suit their
conflicts. In this role, Guides simultaneously provide and act as resources for parties
who come to them for assistance. Instead of adopting an expert consultant role,
Guides help the parties to decide what conflict interventions to utilize for themselves,
in an open, collaborative manner. Guides also take on the roles of teachers, trainers,
coaches, mentors, and role-models, promoting the empowerment of conflict parties in
order to help them develop their own capacities to address their conflicts nonviolently
in the future. This focus on empowerment, coupled with the strengths perspective’s
emphasis on building party strengths, ensure that the focus of interventions remains
on enhancing the parties’ capabilities and aptitudes. Overall, this provides an
alternative to the key critique of specialist practice, the concern that specialist
scholar-practitioners may draw parties into their preferred ways of addressing
conflict, rather than giving parties the latitude to discover and choose their preferred
interventions for themselves. The generalist approach allows the ship to go where it
needs to go, giving parties more choice in steering it in the direction that they feel
would best suit their particular conflicts and circumstances. It is the parties, rather
than the Guides, navigating the ship. This role demands a lot of Guides, who must
tolerate ambiguity, have a very broad knowledge and skill base, be open-minded, and
be committed life-long learners.

To help the parties to navigate the unchartered and frequently turbulent waters of
conflict, intake and decision making in the generalist approach provide Guides with a
way of helping parties see where they have come from and where interventions may
lead them. Ultimately, conflict interventions may lead parties to their preferred futures,

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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but even if they do not, reflecting on potential destinations can provide much needed
direction to help parties to make sense of their conflicts and take action to address
them in the challenging times that conflict often brings. By deciding what they would
like to do, how they would like to do it, and what they would like to get out of the
experience, conflict parties are given much more control over the intervention process
than is typical in many approaches to conflict resolution. This may ultimately lead to a
more rewarding experience for the parties that they are more committed to. The
journey and the destination become theirs in a profound way.

However, because intervention systems are so unique and individualized in the
generalist approach, conducting research helps keep the ship on course. Given that
interventions in the generalist approach are custom-tailored to each conflict system,
Guides need to continually monitor the impacts of interventions and advise parties if
they seem off course. Using single systems research designs can help conflict parties
reflect on whether they feel like they are headed in the right direction or if any course-
corrections need to be made. Evaluation research helps to develop the generalist
approach and the field of conflict resolution more broadly. This can assist us to keep
improving and refining the generalist approach, as well as adding to our knowledge of
which conflict interventions seem to work best under which sets of circumstances.
This knowledge not only supports parties in their decision making in the generalist
approach, it can help to build and develop the field of conflict resolution as a whole.
As an ongoing part of their work, Guides need to be committed to developing
themselves, building on the field of conflict resolution, and interacting collegially with
other scholar-practitioners, as these qualities are integral to the principles underlying
the generalist approach.

The Generalist Approach to Conflict Resolution should therefore be seen as an
invitation. It is an invitation to use the generalist approach in your practice and
scholarship. It is an invitation to help build on and refine the generalist approach, our
ship. It is an invitation to participate in dialogue as fellow Guides to reflect on the
approach and build a repository of best practices. It is an invitation to get you to
apply this approach to the unique settings and circumstances in your practice and
scholarship, to figure out just how wide-ranging the applicability of this approach can
be. It is also an invitation for scholarly critique and an opportunity to engage with
scholars who would not want to use the generalist approach, as scrutiny should
always be welcomed in developing an approach to practice and scholarship. Finally, it
is an invitation to embark on a journey with no fixed destination… Please do!

CONCLUSION

This chapter discussed the place of the generalist approach in the field of conflict
resolution. The generalist approach is well suited to a variety of conflict resolution
settings, however it should not be seen as a replacement for or contradicting other
forms of conflict resolution practice or scholarship. Indeed, the generalist approach
has a symbiotic relationship with specialist forms of conflict resolution practice, relying

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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on the breadth of other approaches available in order to provide conflict parties with
an array of potentially helpful interventions from which they can select. The generalist
approach also offers a chance for scholar-practitioners to take a ‘both/and’
orientation towards the selection of interventions, rather than forcing Guides to adopt
an ‘either/or’ posture. The key to decision making is that it is overt and driven by the
parties, rather than scholar-practitioners. This chapter also mentioned a particularly
promising opportunity introduced by the generalist approach, offering more
opportunities for scholar-practitioners to employ elicitive and indigenous approaches
to conflict resolution in their work.

The generalist approach asks a lot of Guides, as it necessitates that they have a
wide breadth of knowledge and skills, as well as a strong network of resource
people. Ultimately, the approach is rigorous, bounded, and suitable for many scholar-
practitioners. The Generalist Approach to Conflict Resolution has created an initial
vessel from which to conduct generalist conflict resolution scholarship and practice,
however it merely represents a starting point on an ongoing voyage. The generalist
approach therefore presents interested scholar-practitioners with an invitation to
come on board and undertake a journey towards an unknown destination together. I
will be looking forward to seeing you on that journey!

Hansen, D. T. (2012). The generalist approach to conflict resolution : A guidebook. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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299

C H A P T E RConclusion 8
The “conclusion” of a book usually tries to resolve unanswered questions and bring
outstanding issues to closure. Hopefully, the readings and exercises in this text have
raised many questions, and hopefully, you have begun to find answers for yourself.
As when you practice CR with clients, finding answers for yourself is more empow-
ering than having others impose their answers. Given the enormity of issues raised in
this text and the fact that many have no universal truths, trying to bring closure to
all issues would be infeasible. Instead, this conclusion focuses on five questions:

• Is conflict resolution a collection of strategies, techniques, and skills; a group of
practice models; or a distinct profession?

• If it is a profession, what type of qualifications are required to practice as a CR
professional?

• How can helping professionals develop a comprehensive CR system, rather than
a loose patchwork of CR processes that may or may not address the needs of the
community or organization it serves?

• How can a helping professional develop an integrated model of practice to guide
his or her work?

• How can helping professionals participate in the ongoing development of the
CR movement?

Although this chapter answers some questions, it is likely to raise even more. After
all, learning CR is an ongoing process.

STRATEGIES, TECHNIQUES, SKILLS, MODELS,
OR PROFESSION

Conflict resolution is a dynamic and growing field. Although many aspects of CR
can be found in the long-standing practices of the helping professions, these were not
always viewed as CR interventions. Some writers question whether CR is a collec-
tion of techniques, a group of practice models, or a distinct profession. Perhaps it is
all three.

Peace is not an absence of war. It is a virtue, a state of mind,
a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice.

—Baruch Spinoza

92258_08_ch08_p299-317.qxd 6/27/06 12:53 PM Page 299

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First, CR offers a range of strategies, techniques, and skills that helping profes-
sionals can use in various contexts: clinical interventions, interactions with copro-
fessionals, advocacy for clients, and negotiation with systems in the client’s social
environment (families, workplaces, schools, healthcare providers, etc.). Viewed in
this way, CR allows practitioners to select various strategies, techniques, or skills
based on their own methods and models of practice. Practitioners who operate in this
manner would not identify themselves as mediators, arbitrators, or other types of
conflict resolution practitioners but rather as psychotherapists, social workers,
nurses, educators, family counselors, or whatever other professional identifications
they have. In other words, conflict resolution is something that helping professionals
do, but it does not govern their entire practice, and it does not define who they are.

CR could also be seen as a bundle of practice models—for example, interest-
based negotiation, therapeutic mediation, identity-based facilitation, and rights-
based advocacy. A practitioner jointly assesses a situation with a client (or clients),
and they determine which CR model is most likely to be effective. The practitioner’s
choice of strategies, techniques, and skills is driven by the theoretical approach of the
chosen CR model.

Finally, some helping professionals not only adopt CR models or techniques but
also adopt the persona of a CR professional. This includes a distinct value system and
knowledge base. From this perspective, CR pervades not only what helping profes-
sionals do but who they are (Mayer, 2004a). Helping professionals possess a variety
of skills and attributes that allow them to move smoothly into CR personas, such as
negotiators, mediator, group facilitators, evaluators, and advocates. As Chapter 7
illustrates, new roles such as parenting coordinators are emerging, and traditional
roles such as spiritual healers continue to evolve, providing new ways for helping pro-
fessionals to incorporate CR into how they practice and how they self-identify.

In spite of optimistic trends in CR, this field still faces a number of serious chal-
lenges. Although the evolving nature of CR is dynamic and exciting, CR does need to
define itself more clearly. What does it stand for, what does it mean in practice, and is
it truly distinct from other approaches to practice among helping professionals?
Among CR methods, mediation and negotiation possess the most advanced levels of
theoretical development, ethical codification, standards for accreditation, and
empirical research (English & Neilson, 2004; Menkel-Meadow & Wheeler, 2004).
Practitioners, ethicists, and scholars need to continue to work together to refine var-
ious methods of CR, ensuring they are value driven, theoretically sound, and clini-
cally effective. Do not be surprised if some methods and models of CR that are in
vogue today fall into disrepute as we gain more experience and research knowledge.

The following section looks at the qualifications required to claim status as a CR
professional (as opposed to “just anyone” who uses a smattering of conflict resolution
techniques, strategies, skills, or models of practice).

QUALIFICATIONS

The interdisciplinary nature of CR encourages helping professionals to work to-
gether and learn from one another. However, CR professionals are not immune to
turf wars as various groups lay claim to different areas of practice. To deal with such

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problems, CR professionals need to use CR skills not only with clients but among
themselves.

One of the key issues is the question of what standards, if any, should be required
for a practitioner to qualify as a specific type of CR professional. Family mediators
and attorneys are two examples of CR professionals with specific systems for accred-
itation and licensing. Although some people view mandatory regulation as a way of
ensuring competent, responsible CR practice, in some areas of CR, restricting practice
to “qualified professionals” may not be appropriate. These include peer mediation in
schools, informal or emergent CR roles assumed by helping professionals as part of
their ordinary practice, and lay advocacy to promote health, justice, and other social
causes.

When determining what types of qualifications, if any, are needed to practice
CR, the following guidelines should be considered:

• In order to provide broad access to CR services, restricting CR practice to cer-
tain groups should be avoided unless the risks of unregulated practice are too
high (where there are severe legal issues or safety concerns, where CR users are
particularly vulnerable because of mental capacity, etc.).

• Any requirements for qualification should be based on what a practitioner needs
in order to practice in a competent manner—that is, what values, skills, and
knowledge a practitioner must possess in order to provide effective CR services.1

• Different qualifications are required for different CR processes and different
contexts of practice. A victim-offender mediator, for example, needs to know
about the effects of victimization, whereas a patient advocate needs to know
about hospital procedures.

• If practice in certain areas of CR is restricted to “qualified” professionals, ensure
that the qualifications do not have any systemic biases against particular cultural
groups.2

• Any association that establishes standards for CR should have broad-based rep-
resentation to ensure that it does not become self-serving or biased. Include con-
sumers of the CR services, if possible.

• Any association that regulates CR professionals should adopt CR processes that
are consistent with CR values and knowledge—for example, using mediation to
try to resolve client concerns before moving toward more adversarial processes,
such as disciplinary hearings (Feld & Simm, 1998).

Conclusion 301

1Historically, some CR licensing and accreditation requirements have required degrees in law or mental
health, or “any master’s-level” professional education. Such standards, though easy to apply, do not nec-
essarily relate to the actual values, skills, and knowledge required to practice CR. They may be impeding
competent people from practicing, simply because they do not have the right degrees, and allowing oth-
ers to practice even if they do not have the requisite skills, values, and knowledge base (e.g., some people
with law degrees have no specific training in negotiation, mediation, or other collaborative approaches to
CR; they are only trained in the adversarial model).
2For instance, people from some cultural groups have stigmas about mental health and may be less likely
to pursue a degree in psychology or another mental health profession. If CR accreditation is limited to
mental health professionals, this cultural group will be underrepresented, even if there are many people
from the group capable of serving in a competent manner. High costs for training may also be a barrier
for cultural groups with high rates of low income.

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Recent trends suggest, on one hand, greater movement toward professionaliza-
tion and accreditation of CR practitioners (see Appendix 4 for a list of professional
associations). On the other hand, grassroots organizations such as neighborhood
justice centers continue to use lay community members to provide mediation and
other CR services. When considering whether to regulate CR, heed concerns about
who regulation benefits and how.

Now that we have explored different systems for regulating CR professionals,
we turn next to developing systems that can help organizations deal with conflict
more effectively.

DESIGNING CONFLICT RESOLUTION SYSTEMS

Throughout much of this text, we have explored how to intervene once specific con-
flicts have arisen. Although helping people work through conflicts on a case-by-case
basis is useful, we can often achieve broader, more effective, and more efficient results
by establishing a CR system that helps people handle conflict as it arises and on an
ongoing basis. Having a comprehensive CR system ensures that CR processes are
appropriately matched to the needs of the people it serves. It also ensures smooth links
and transitions between various stages of the CR process (Mayer, 2000). The purpose
of a CR system is not to prevent or stop conflict altogether but rather to help people
deal with conflict in a positive manner. As noted throughout this book, different pro-
fessionals and different clients will have different ideas about what is a positive way of
handling conflict. Accordingly, when helping a particular group develop a CR system,
you will need to help the group articulate its core goals and values—for instance,
peace, harmonious relations, social justice, mental health, democracy, economic
efficiency, respect, high morale, spiritual growth, fairness, freedom from reprisal, or
mutual understanding. Rather than imposing a “one-size-fits-all” CR system, you
will then tailor the system to meet the goals and values of the group. The following
guidelines provide a framework for developing a CR system.

1. Building a culture of CR—Whether you are working with a family, business or-
ganization, community, or other social system, each unit develops its own
norms, values, and preferred methods for dealing with conflict. Rather than
imposing a completely foreign conflict resolution system, assess the current CR
culture. For instance, do people tend to avoid conflict or embrace it? Who tra-
ditionally plays which CR roles within the system? What are people’s attitudes
toward authority, status, and saving face? When do people from the system seek
outside CR help? What types of CR are viewed positively and negatively? Once
you have an understanding of the current culture, you can help the system build
on its strengths in a manner that respects existing culture but also encourages it
to evolve in a positive manner (Lederach, 2005). If a social agency values
“working as a team,” for instance, various employees may interpret this as
everyone must think alike and agree with everyone else. In working with this
agency, you could validate its value for the team concept but help build a culture
where expressing differences in a respectful manner is an integral part of being
a team. By working with the unit to enhance its CR system in an incremental

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manner, you can ensure broad-based buy-in. People must have confidence in the
system or they will resist using it (Brahm & Ouellet, 2003).

2. Self-determination—Promote CR alternatives where people make decisions
themselves. Choices within the CR system should be should be transparent, ac-
cessible, easy to understand, and easy to use (Mayer, 2000). Providing people
with choice helps them feel more empowered and trusts them to identify the
processes which best meet their needs. A CR system may include incentives to
try certain types of CR that promote overall organizational interests or public
policy. If the system requires people to use certain types of CR processes, the jus-
tification for doing so should be clearly articulated. When concerns about pa-
tient abuse arise, for instance, a healthcare system may be required to appoint an
advocate to assist the patient. A CR system might involve CR consultants whom
individuals can consult on a confidential basis for help determining the best ap-
proach to handling a conflict. Sexual harassment officers, for example, often
play this type of role. Victims of harassment may not know what alternatives are
available, or they may have concerns about retribution. By talking to a CR con-
sultant or harassment officer, they can make informed decisions about the best
way to proceed.

3. Loop-backs—The system should allow for loop-backs, meaning that if a conflict
progresses to more formal and adversarial stages, mechanisms should allow
the parties to circle back to less formal or less adversarial stages (Ury, Brett, &
Goldberg, 1988). Unfortunately, once people enter a formal CR process, they
tend to be swept along, without having an opportunity to turn back. A CR sys-
tem could include cooling-off periods or structured time-outs, to help people
consider whether they want to revert back to a more informal or more collabo-
rative process. When people initiate a proceeding in court or arbitration, for in-
stance, they do not necessarily have to continue the process through to fruition.
Often, the parties realize which direction a case is headed, and they decide to set-
tle before a final determination is made, potentially helping them save costs, save
face, and come up with a more creative solution than adjudication might offer
(Brahm & Ouellet, 2003).

4. Proactive CR—As you are developing a system, consider potential conflict situa-
tions and employ processes that can address them before they arise: (a) scheduling
periodic planning meetings; (b) providing clients with clear policies, indicating the
expectations, services, and limitations of the agency; and (c) providing CR training
so that people know how to manage conflict in constructive manners, before
critical problems arise. Remember, the purpose is not to quash all conflicts but
to provide mechanisms for handling them more effectively.

5. Informal CR—When conflict arises, encourage parties to deal with it informally,
on a face-to-face basis. Third-party interveners may be unnecessary, costly, and
disempowering. When people resort to formal means too quickly, they may also
become more adversarial (Ury et al., 1988). Although informal CR suggests the
parties involved in the conflict must take primary responsibility for resolving it,
the CR system can provide them with various forms of support, for instance,
teaching them communication skills and problem-solving frameworks. Leaders
within the family, community, or organization can also offer support by modeling

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constructive CR skills and approaches (e.g., using active listening skills and being
open to receiving criticism). The informal level of the CR system should be easy
to access and unfettered by bureaucracy. If two neighbors are having an argu-
ment, for instance, the local community center could provide them with a free
meeting room, without requiring them to hire a mediator or other CR profes-
sional. Unless there are significant power imbalances or safety issues, encourage
people to first try to negotiate on a one-to-one basis, without the use of advocates.

6. Formal collaborative CR—If informal CR is ineffective or inappropriate, a more
formal process may be necessary. This does not mean, however, that the process
has to be adversarial. Interest-based negotiation, transformative mediation, and
structured dialogues are examples of collaborative processes to consider. These
approaches help people resolve conflict on the basis of needs, interests, mutual
understanding, and empowerment, rather than by rights or power. They also
help parties improve relationships and communication, as well as simply resolv-
ing the immediate conflict (Mayer, 2004a). Helping professionals may assume
roles as mediators, advocates, or facilitators. Decision-making power rests with
the parties. Still, helping professionals may assume power-balancing roles, to en-
sure the process is fair.

7. Formal adjudicative processes—This stage removes decision-making power
from the parties and gives it to an impartial third party who uses a rights-based
approach to determining conflicts. Judges, arbitrators, assessors, and investiga-
tors are examples of adjudicators. Helping professionals can assume the roles of
arbitrators, assessors, investigators, witnesses, and advocates in such processes.
Because most helping professionals value client self-determination, they may be
reluctant to assume a role where they make decisions for clients. Such a role may
be justified if other processes have failed.

8. Separate power-based action—More forceful interventions may be necessary in
order to secure mental health, social justice, or other client needs (Germain &
Gitterman, 1996). Using the least force necessary to achieve such results mini-
mizes costs and risks of retaliation. Even if one must resort to competitive strate-
gies, consider the possibility of healing relationships in the future (Pruitt &
Carnevale, 1993).

9. Peacebuilding—CR systems should include components for building peace in
the broadest sense. Rather than merely focusing on ending conflicts, a peace-
building approach promotes respect, reconciliation, openness, mutual caring,
and collaboration (see Chapter 7 for details on how to build physical, psycho-
logical, social, and spiritual capacities for peace). Whereas people involved in
disputes may often settle for absence of violence or overt conflict, families, com-
munities, and organizations can promote more positive forms of peace, which
benefits both the individuals and the social unit as a whole.

10. Ethical issues—The system should provide clear policies on how it will manage
ethical concerns such as informed consent, confidentiality, power imbalances,
conflict of interest, and safety issues (British Columbia Ministry of the Attorney
General, 2003). For instance, how will the system ensure that people are prop-
erly informed about their choices and feel free to decide whether to participate
in a particular CR process, without fear of coercion or retribution? To what

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extent will information shared by specific individuals be kept confidential, and
when (if ever) will information be shared with others? What types of safety con-
cerns are likely to arise, and how can these be managed?

11. Feedback—CR systems should include mechanisms for monitoring and evaluat-
ing CR processes. This will allow the system to determine how well it is working,
as well as how it might be improved (Grinnell & Unrau, 2005). Some systems, for
example, look great in theory but have problems in implementation: too few
resources, insufficient training for CR staff, lack of coordination between differ-
ent parts of the CR system, poor communication concerning the availability of
different types of support for CR, or hidden disincentives from using CR
processes. Program evaluations typically provide feedback for CR professionals,
but evaluators may also provide feedback to the parties about their CR efforts and
how they could improve on them when future conflicts arise. Although it may be
expedient to have CR professionals gather data on their work, it may be helpful
to have independent evaluators gather information from people using the CR sys-
tem. By having external evaluators, people can provide feedback on a confidential
basis, without fear of repercussions should their feedback be negative.

No CR system is perfect, so there is always room for improvement. Helping a
family, organization, or community improve its CR system may take time, so CR
professionals must look at developing CR systems as a longer-term venture. Some
initiatives may be implemented relatively quickly. Others may take longer, in order
to garner support, ensure that there are proper resources, and ensure that imple-
mentation has a high chance of success (British Columbia Ministry of the Attorney
General, 2003).

AN INTEGRATIVE MODEL OF PRACTICE

The previous section explored how to develop a comprehensive CR system for an or-
ganization, community, or other social unit. This section describes how individual
CR practitioners can develop their own models of practice, whether or not they are
working within a comprehensive CR system. CR training materials often prescribe
what to do and how to do it. For instance, if you take a course on interest-based me-
diation, all you will learn is interest-based mediation, and you may be left with the
impression that this is the only valid approach to mediation. Throughout this text, I
have tried to present a range of approaches to CR, so that you can select the most
appropriate ones for you and the clients or people you will be serving. Some practi-
tioners say they are eclectic, meaning that they pick and choose CR skills, strategies,
and approaches as they see fit. The problem with an eclectic approach is that it is not
guided by a specific set of values and theories. Rather than adopting an eclectic ap-
proach, I suggest developing an integrative model of practice. An integrative model
draws from different approaches, but it clearly articulates the values, theories, and
research that guide the practitioner’s choice of what to use and when (Corey &
Corey, 2006).

In terms of values, you will need to consider your own values, as well as the
values of your agency and clients. Refer back to the personal values about CR that

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you identified for yourself in Chapter 2, Exercise 2. Consider whether these have
changed given your readings and experiences throughout this course. Consider also
your professional values as expressed in your profession’s code of ethics. For in-
stance, nurses value caring, social workers value social justice, and psychologists
value mental health. Your model of CR practice should be consonant with your
value system. A teacher who values knowledge, for example, may choose to focus on
methods of CR that educate students—that is, providing them with the knowledge
they need to practice CR on their own rather than acting as a mediator, judge, or
other third-party conflict resolver for the students. In contrast, a lawyer who values
civil rights may focus her model of practice on rights-based advocacy.

Although professionals’ own values affect their choice of how to practice, pro-
fessionals must also consider the values of the agency and clients they serve. Agency
values are typically reflected in its mission statement, goals, and policies. A shelter
serving survivors of intimate partner abuse, for instance, will place high value on
the safety of its clients. Given this value, it would not be appropriate for shelter
staff to use methods of CR that put their clients at risk of being further abused (e.g.,
reconciliation counseling).

In terms of client values, professionals should consider the general value systems
of the client groups they typically serve, as well as the specific values of the actual
clients they are serving. When I began working with the Ismaili community, for
instance, I needed to learn more about the values of this community (e.g., care, com-
passion, and community). I also needed to consider within-group differences, not
assuming that all Ismailis shared exactly the same values. The Ismaili community
has a worldwide structure of conciliation and arbitration boards (Keshavjee &
Whatling, 2005). Whereas many Ismailis prefer to use these services because they
reflect community values, some prefer to use services that are not Ismaili-specific,
because, for instance, they want to keep their issues private from their close-knit
community.

As noted in Chapter 1, many theories can be used to help make sense of why
conflict arises and how practitioners can intervene to help people deal with conflict
more effectively. If you believe that conflict primarily arises because of problems in
communication, your model of practice may incorporate specific skills, strategies,
and approaches that reflect communication theory. If you believe that some conflicts
become intractable because the parties have fixed views of themselves as victims and
of the others as evil doers, then you may adopt identity-based approaches in your
model of practice.

Most practitioners will not limit themselves to one theory to guide their practice,
recognizing that no single theory can explain all conflict situations. However, saying
that you accept and use all theories is equally problematic. First, some theories may
not be valid. Second, some theories conflict with each other, meaning that you can-
not apply both equally. Bush and Folger (2005), for instance, argue that interest-
based mediation is incompatible with transformative mediation, and they should not
be mixed. Third, in order to be able to apply theory to practice in a rational manner,
a model of practice must indicate the relationships between theories and how they
apply in different situations. When I mediate with separating couples, for instance,
I …

1087

Chapter Forty-Five

Some research Frontiers in the Study of
Conflict and its resolution

Dean G. pruitt
Katharina G. Kugler

It would be idle to assume that a single chapter like this one can be a com-prehensive guide to the gaps in the field of conflict studies. The preceding chapters summarize the knowledge in this field, and the gaps undoubtedly
greatly exceed that knowledge. Furthermore, future research is likely to follow
unforeseen theoretical directions, leaving a chapter like this one in the dust.
Nevertheless, we hope that it will provide some guidance to those new to the
field and some stimulation to seasoned scholars.

The chapter may seem quite one-sided to those who follow traditions other
than those we will describe. But there is no way around this. What we find
most exciting and can think about most clearly are research issues that fit into
our way of looking at the field.

We have divided the chapter into six sections: origins and impact of con-
flict, strategic choice, escalation and intractability, readiness for conflict reso-
lution, negotiation, and mediation. Besides identifying recent trends in conflict
research, we pose questions that need attention and present some possible
directions for answering these questions with some testable hypotheses. We
also discuss some of the research methods that are needed to move ahead.

Origins and impact Of cOnflict

Conflict originates in clashing opinions, interests, or values or in annoyance
with another party. Its roots can be as superficial as attitudes and money or
as profound as basic human needs such as food, shelter, security, identity,
dignity, and control over one’s life (Burton, 1990). Conflict is inherent in all
social life; hence, scholars in many fields have contributed to its literature. In
this section, we focus on three areas that address the diverse approaches to
research on this phenomenon.

c45.indd 1087 1/9/2014 10:33:59 AM

Coleman, P. T., Deutsch, M., & Marcus, E. C. (Eds.). (2014). The handbook of conflict resolution : Theory and practice. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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1088 the hanDbooK oF ConFliCt reSolution

positive Consequences of Conflict
Conflict has a bad reputation, but it can be quite beneficial if it remains
within bounds. For example, many studies have shown that dissent, and
hence within-group conflict, can increase understanding of complex issues
and thus enhance work group performance, creativity, and innovation (see
Brodbeck et al., 2011; de Dreu, 2002; de Dreu, De Vries et al., 2000; de Dreu,
Weingart, and Kwon, 2000; de Dreu and West, 2001; Nemeth, 1986; Nemeth
and Kwan, 1987). However, recent meta-analytic reviews (de Dreu and
Weingart, 2003; De Wit, Greer, and Jehn, 2012) do not find this positive effect
across all groups, which implies that conflict is productive in some circum-
stances and counterproductive in others. This suggests the need to sort out
those circumstances—to identify when dissent should be encouraged ver-
sus discouraged (de Dreu, 2008; Tjosvold, 2008). That problem would seem
to call for experimentation in group laboratory settings, where theoretically
derived variables can be systematically manipulated. Subsequent field stud-
ies, for example, in organizational settings, will be necessary to ensure the
generalizability of the laboratory findings.

relative Deprivation
Relative deprivation occurs when achievement falls short of a “reasonable”
standard, such as what was achieved in the past, what comparison figures
are achieving, what law or custom says one deserves, or what one expects to
achieve. Sociologists and social psychologists know a lot about relative depriva-
tion but not much about its impact on behavior, including conflict behavior. For
example, we know from laboratory experiments that people tend to compare
themselves with others who are proximate or salient or are similar to them-
selves (Major, 1994). But there is little, if any, research about the effect of social
comparison on social conflict.

The social psychological laboratory is a possible site for studies of these
effects. Such studies could build on prior research about the impact of relative
deprivation on cognition. The beauty of laboratory experiments is that they
allow creation of novel conditions, precise operationalization of variables, and
unambiguous assessment of cause and effect (Pruitt, 2005b). The design of
such studies might compare three conditions: no deprivation, deprivation in
the absence of a standard, and deprivation in the presence of a standard. The
dependent variables could be such conflict behaviors as demands for changed
behavior, threats, and retaliation.

In addition to determining whether and how much conflict behavior is
produced under each condition, such studies should explore the mechanisms
underlying these effects, such as whether relative deprivation has its effect by
encouraging a sense of injustice and anger. The impact of various moderating

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Some reSearCh FrontierS in the StuDy oF ConFliCt anD itS reSolution 1089

variables should also be examined, guided by what is already known about
the conditions encouraging relative deprivation.

Group mobilization
By group, we mean any set of people with a common identity who have some
ability to communicate and take organized action. Groups, in this mean-
ing, run all the way from small face-to-face friendship groups and work
groups to departments, organizations, and even nations. How do the ori-
gins of intergroup conflict differ from those of interpersonal conflict? For one
thing, relative deprivation must be understood in somewhat different terms.
Questionnaire studies have found that readiness to participate in social pro-
test is more closely related to collective deprivation, a sense that one’s group
is not doing as well as other groups, than to personal deprivation (Dion, 1986;
Dubé and Guimond, 1986). In addition, group mobilization is usually a fore-
runner of intergroup conflict.

Group mobilization theory (Azar, 1990; Gurr, 1996) identifies a series of stages
on the way to group action. First, individuals must become strongly identified
with their group—the group must be an important part of their self-definition.
Then they must develop a sense of collective deprivation—a perception that
the group as a whole has been victimized, that their own suffering and that
of their fellow group members is part of a larger pattern. For this percep-
tion to lead to actual conflict behavior, group members must also be willing
and able to pool their actions in a joint endeavor. This requires some level
of group mobilization, which usually involves the emergence of an activist
subgroup with militant leaders who are willing to carry the group’s grievances
to the adversary. These three stages—group identity, perceived collective
deprivation, and group mobilization—tend to recycle. For example, militant
leaders, once they emerge, often encourage increased group identity and
greater perceived collective deprivation.

Group mobilization theory is powerful, but it is not yet well developed in
the sense of understanding the processes that occur at each stage and the
conditions that produce them. We need more case studies to understand these
processes and some large-sample studies to test hypotheses about these con-
ditions. Among the hypotheses that could be tested are Dahrendorf’s (1959)
proposal that mobilization occurs under three conditions: (1) ease of commu-
nication within the group, (2) the availability of leaders to organize for group
action, and (3) the absence of outside suppression of such leadership efforts.

We hesitate to propose that such hypotheses be tested with laboratory
groups because of the complexity of the phenomena under study and the cor-
responding difficulty of developing an adequate laboratory simulation. Yet
laboratory studies require clear operationalization of concepts, making them

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a good place to sharpen hazy ideas, such as those now found in the theory
of group mobilization. Laboratory settings also make it easy to observe stages
in the development of groups because they occur right before the eyes of the
investigator.

Studies should also be done on group humiliation, which has been sug-
gested as a motive for the current spate of terrorist attacks. Research is needed
to determine whether humiliation is indeed a powerful group motivator (for
an exemplary study at the level of the individual, see Coleman, Goldman, and
Kugler, 2009) and what conditions produce it in its apparently virulent form.

strategic chOice

A popular version of strategic choice theory holds that parties in conflict
must choose among four strategies: contending, problem solving, yielding,
and inaction (de Dreu, Weingart, et al., 2000; Pruitt and Kim, 2004; Thomas,
1976). The first two strategies have drawn the most attention in research.
Contending, which involves such tactics as threats and coalition building, is
aimed at defeating the other party. Because contending tends to elicit a com-
parable response from the other party, it often makes conflict hard to solve.
Furthermore, contending may produce a conflict spiral, leading to escalation
that hurts both parties’ interests—what Deutsch (1973) calls a “destructive
process.” Problem solving, which is aimed at finding a solution that satisfies
both parties’ needs, is in sharp contrast to contending. It encourages lasting
settlements and improved future relations between the parties.

There are many research findings on the antecedents of contending and
problem solving (see Pruitt and Carnevale, 1993; Pruitt and Kim, 2004).
However, some of the field’s most important assumptions about this mat-
ter are based on theoretical reasoning or inferences from research on related
phenomena. For example, Pruitt and Kim (2004) hypothesize that prob-
lem solving is fostered by positive-sum (as opposed to zero-sum) thinking,
momentum from prior agreement with the other party, and a belief that
both parties (rather than just the adversary) are to blame for the conflict.
Hypotheses such as these need to be tested. Social psychological research
suggests opposing hypotheses with respect to the impact of positive mood on
strategic choice. The finding that positive mood encourages helping behavior
(Isen and Levin, 1972) implies that it should also encourage problem solv-
ing, but the finding that positive mood encourages blame of the adversary
(Forgas, 1994) implies just the opposite. This contradiction needs to be sorted
out empirically.

Many conflict theorists believe that heavy contentious behavior, such as
violence, is encouraged by moral exclusion of the other party, that is, viewing

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the other as “outside the community in which norms apply, and therefore
as expendable [and] undeserving” (Opotow, 2000, p. 417). Moral exclusion
removes some of the main inhibitions against aggressive behavior. This body
of theory is challenging but quite underresearched. Data need to be gathered
on the psychological nature of moral exclusion, its precise impact on behav-
ior, the conditions that foster it, and the conditions that encourage expansion
of a moral community to include one’s adversaries.

Strategic choice theory has been criticized as an oversimplification in that
sequences and combinations of the four basic strategies are often found (Van
de Vliert, 1997; Van de Vliert, Euwema, and Huismans, 1995; Van de Vliert
et al., 1999). For example, combinations of problem solving and contending
are particularly common and are often quite beneficial. That is because prob-
lem solving requires that one be firm about one’s basic needs (while flexible
about the means for achieving them), and contentious tactics are sometimes
required to underline this firmness (Druckman, 2003). Furthermore, a vigor-
ous defense of one’s position on certain issues provides information about
one’s priorities and hence may help the other party locate an acceptable
exchange of concessions.

Pruitt and Kim (2004) have put forward some testable advice about how to
employ contentious tactics without courting escalation:

1. Combine promises with threats, employing both the carrot and the
stick.

2. Use legitimate threats, such as those from a legal authority.

3. Employ deterrent rather than compellent threats. “Deterrent threats
request that Other not take a particular action, while compellent
threats request that Other take a particular action” (Pruitt and Kim,
2004, p. 75).

4. If one must employ compellent threats, give the other party a choice of
possible actions so as to minimize the appearance of pushing the other
around.

Other researchers have proposed that the capacity for flexible and adaptive
use of different conflict strategies is beneficial (Lax and Sebenius, 1986; Mannix,
Thompson, and Bazerman, 1989; Rackman and Carlisle, 1978; Raiffa, 1982; Van
de Vliert, Euwema, and Huismans, 1995; Van de Vliert, 1997). This proposal
inspired Coleman and Kugler (2011) to design a measure of adaptive conflict
management in organizations, the Managerial Conflict Adaptivity Assessment.
The approach is based on a situated model of conflict in social relations
described by Coleman et al. (2010, 2012, 2013b). Their studies show that adap-
tive and flexible conflict management in the workplace (i.e., changing one’s
strategy as the situation demands) is predictive of satisfaction with conflicts and

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1092 the hanDbooK oF ConFliCt reSolution

relationships and a sense of well-being at work. This promising beginning sug-
gests the need for a systematic research agenda on conflict adaptivity. This and
similar approaches assume that conflicts are usually complex and dynamic and
hence require adaptive and flexible behavior.

escalatiOn and intractability

Most conflicts are quickly settled in a more-or-less positive way. However, a
few conflicts escalate, becoming increasingly destructive and intractable, in
the sense of resisting all efforts at resolution. These conflicts, though infre-
quent, tend to be important because escalation and intractability can have
severe consequences.

In its most basic sense, escalation means movement from less extreme
to more extreme contentious tactics by one or both parties. Such movement
often goes through a series of intermediate stages, which can be called an
escalation sequence. There are two types of escalation sequences, unilateral
and bilateral (Pruitt 2005a). In unilateral sequences, only one party escalates;
in bilateral sequences, the parties escalate in tandem.

unilateral escalation Sequences
A laboratory experiment on unilateral escalation suggests questions for
future research. Mikolic, Parker, and Pruitt (1997) studied reactions to per-
sistent annoyance by having confederates of the experimenter withhold
needed supplies from the participants. The data were based on a content
analysis of telephone messages to the confederates. Most participants tried
to get the supplies by means of the following orderly progression of tactics:
requests, demands, angry statements, threats, harassment, and abuse. They
stopped escalating at different points along this progression. Some made
only requests; others requests and then demands; still others, requests, then
demands, then angry statements, and so on. Groups on the whole escalated
further than individuals—following the same orderly progression.

This study raises several questions that require further research. The most
basic of these is: Why does persistent annoyance so often produce escalation?
There are at least three possible answers, which need empirical test: people
may reason that if a less extreme tactic fails to deter the other party, a more
extreme tactic may do so; or they may become angrier and more aroused over
time, which should make them more aggressive; or their moral exclusion may
grow because they see the other party as increasingly guilty of a transgres-
sion. A second question concerns how to account for the orderly sequence
of tactics seen in this study. A third question concerns the level at which

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parties stop escalating. Why did groups escalate further than individuals in
our study, and why did some individuals escalate further than others?

bilateral escalation Sequences
Bilateral escalation sequences usually develop through conflict spirals, entail-
ing repeated retaliation and counterretaliation or defense and counterdefense.
Thus an employee might criticize a management policy, provoking disciplin-
ary action such as denying the employee a raise. Annoyed by this treatment,
he or she might then talk to the press, provoking dismissal.

It is possible for conflict spirals to go around and around without advancing
in level of escalation. I yell at you, you yell at me, I yell at you, you yell at me.
Heavy contentious tactics are being used, but they are not getting heavier. This
raises an important theoretical question: Under what conditions and through
what processes do conflict spirals produce bilateral escalation rather than sim-
ply going around and around? One possible answer is that in bilateral escala-
tion, each party sees the other as responsible for every new round of the conflict
spiral, a phenomenon called biased punctuation. Biased punctuation has often
been discussed by conflict theorists (e.g., Kramer, 2004), but research on this
topic appears to be nonexistent. If this is indeed a source of bilateral escala-
tion, we need to understand the conditions that produce it and the processes by
which it develops.

Another possible answer is that bilateral escalation occurs when persis-
tent structural changes take place in one or both parties or the community
surrounding them. Pruitt and his colleagues (Pruitt and Kim, 2004; Rubin,
Pruitt, and Kim, 1994) have put together a theory about structural change
based on an earlier speculative conflict literature and social psychological
research about related issues. Some structural changes are in the psycho-
logical realm. Hostile attitudes and perceptions set in, trust takes a nosedive,
and new, more competitive goals develop. Hostile attitudes, perceptions, and
goals are accentuated by group discussion through the process of group polar-
ization (see Isenberg, 1986), and these psychological states often become
group norms, which are perpetuated by the processes of norm enforcement.
Changes may also occur in normative and social structures within the groups.
Once groups become mobilized, it is often hard to put the genie back into
the bottle. Strong group identities tend to persist, crystalized grievances are
easily remembered, activist subgroups often remain organized, and militant
leaders seldom fade away gracefully. Structural changes may also occur in the
community surrounding the parties. Community members are pulled into one
or the other camp, leaving nobody in the middle to mediate—a phenomenon
known as community polarization. Structural change theory is a synthesis of
much prior thinking, but it is greatly in need of empirical test.

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1094 the hanDbooK oF ConFliCt reSolution

A remaining question is, What are the determinants of the rate of bilateral
escalation, and how severe it becomes? Some testable answers to these ques-
tions can be derived from social psychological research on the antecedents of
aggression (see Berkowitz, 1993). For example, people who have been annoyed
become more aggressive when they are recently angered, autonomically
aroused, or under the influence of alcohol and when time pressure is too great
to allow careful thought. They become less aggressive when they are in a good
mood or engaged in competing activities. Impulsive individuals and those with
high, unstable self-esteem are easily provoked, while people with a strong need
for social approval are not. All of these conditions are possible contributors to,
or detractors from, escalation, especially if found on both sides of the conflict.

Relationships between individuals are also important. Several studies (e.g.,
Bradbury and Fincham, 1992) have shown that people in distressed marriages
are prone to retaliate when annoyed. Since retaliation is at the base of many
conflict spirals, this suggests that bilateral escalation should be greater in
distressed marriages and other hostile relationships, a plausible and testable
hypothesis. Positive relationships presumably have the opposite effect.

An old study by Back (1951) adds an intriguing twist to the latter speculation.
He found that more cohesive groups engaged in more internal conflict but were
less prone to internal escalation. This suggests that strong, positive interpersonal
relationships provide enough security that people feel free to raise issues with
one another but they inhibit the use of heavy contentious tactics. Back’s study
needs to be replicated and extended with modern research methods.

Again, there is room for laboratory research on the conditions and pro-
cesses underlying bilateral escalation. What is needed is a laboratory simu-
lation that allows discovery of complex interactions between variables and
careful measurement of escalation as it unfolds. Laboratory games like the
prisoner’s dilemma were once thought to provide such a simulation, and
some things were learned in these studies (Pruitt, 1998). But these games are
so simple that they do not involve most of the complex processes described
earlier. Clearly the field needs new laboratory paradigms.

Conflict intractability
It is said that about 5 percent of conflicts become intractable—highly esca-
lated, enduring, and destructive (Coleman, 2011). Due to the severe conse-
quences of intractable conflicts, it is important to gain a better understanding
of when and why some conflicts become intractable and how to transform
and ultimately resolve them.

Drawing on dynamical systems theory, some recent authors have postu-
lated that “intractable conflicts are formed when the cognitive, affective,
and behavioral patterns characterizing a party’s conflict-relevant dynamics

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Some reSearCh FrontierS in the StuDy oF ConFliCt anD itS reSolution 1095

lose their complexity” (Coleman et al., 2007, p. 1470; see also Vallacher
et al., 2010, 2013). Complexity represents the degree to which people are mul-
tidimensional in their “perception of issues, judgment of out-group members,
and action tendencies” (Coleman et al., 2007, p. 1471). Such oversimplifica-
tion flies in the face of the enormous and increasing complexity of intractable
conflicts. In addition to this basic postulate, dynamical systems theory helps
understand intractable conflicts by focusing on concepts like feedback loops,
tipping points, latent attractors, and others. The theory suggests research
questions such as those outlined by Vallacher et al. (2010). Initial studies sug-
gest that this approach is a fruitful basis for further research (Bui-Wrzosinska,
2005; Kugler, Coleman, and Fuchs, 2011; Kugler and Brodbeck, 2011; Kurt
et al., in press). However, such studies are difficult to do because they require
methods that incorporate complex dynamics.

readiness fOr cOnflict resOlutiOn

The basic question in this section is: Under what conditions does an intractable
conflict become ready for deescalation and, hence. for negotiation or mediation?
A subsidiary question is, What can third parties do to hasten this readiness?

A variety of answers have been given to these questions. Some authors
advocate simple contact between the parties (Miller and Brewer, 1984). While
this can be an effective remedy in mild conflicts, research suggests that it
is counterproductive in highly escalated ones (Rubin, 1980). A second pos-
sibility is the development of superordinate (common) goals, which seem
more important to both parties than the aims of the conflict. Case materi-
als—for example, the turnaround of US-Soviet enmity when both countries
began fighting the Nazis and Sherif’s boys’ camps (Sherif and Sherif, 1969)—
suggest that this can be an effective solution. But compelling common goals
are seldom available in intractable conflicts. A third approach involves ordi-
nary mediation or various kinds of problem-solving workshops (for the lat-
ter topic, see Fisher, 1997; Kelman, 2002; Lederach, 1997). Research suggests
that formal mediators have great difficulty solving heavily escalated con-
flicts (Kressel, 2000), and the problem would seem even larger for problem- …

Scenario #1
Office Sharing

Maureen Smith and Elwood Dunmore both work for CSC, a defense contractor, who
provides a variety of sophisticated computer support systems to the U.S. Navy. In the
past year they hired a new President of Operations who is keen on team building
strategies and creative ways for getting people to increase productivity. One of his pet
projects is the Mixing Bowl, where every 6 months, people switch office mates. Offices
are favored over cubicles and although they are not large, each one has a window and
space for a desk, bookcase and file cabinet. The selection process is reportedly random
with names pulled from a hat. Each staff person actually only ‘ moves’ once a year as
during one “mix up” a person moves to a new office, and in the next round, their office
mate moves. Maureen Smith and Elwood Dunmore were selected to be office mates,
with Elwood moving into the office Maureen already occupied. From the moment they
started sharing the office space there were problems. Just passing by you can feel the
tension in the air. Both have accused the other of purposely messing with the thermostat
to make the space unbearably cold or hot. Light bulbs have been removed, computer
messages deleted or supposedly never received, mail missing, and instead of fostering
camaraderie and improved productivity, both spend the better portion of their day
seemingly trying to find ways to make the other miserable or e-mailing their supervisor
or HR back and forth with complaints. They share the same supervisor, Mr. Greene, who
has tried to counsel them both but says he hasn’t been able to get to the bottom of the
issue. According to HR it would be hard to fire either of them, as their performance
evaluations have been good. However, each has started to engage others in their little
warfare and the whole situation has escalated to the point that morale in the department
has been affected. The supervisor has been reluctant to move them although both have
requested this because it is against the policy of the Mixing Bowl and frowned on by the
President of Operations. Moving either Maureen or Elwood would involve disrupting
other members of the team as well as the expense associated with the move. The
supervisor has sent them to mediation hoping they will find a way to co-habitate for the
rest of the six-month period without jeopardizing their jobs or team morale.

Maureen’s Story:
Maureen is a 52 year old woman who has risen through the company during her ten years
o~ employment, from an entry level receptionist to Analyst II. She only has a high school
dtplo~a bu_t has attended n_u’!1~~ous company sponsored training programs and is proud
of her Job title and respons1b1httes. She was recently granted a security clearance which
has allowed her to work on a new configuration identification project. She is a good
work~r W:hose performance evaluations note her ability work to well under pressure and
contnbut,ons to the overall project. She is often late coming to work but her supervisor,
Mr. Harvey Greene, tolerates her lack of punctuality because she works late and comes in
on the weekends. She is a very large, attractive woman who works hard and is well liked
by the other members in the department. She is known as the queen of funny e-mail.
Even though it is against company policy to send and receive e-mails unrelated to
business, her violation of this policy has been overlooked because the jokes are enjoyed
by so many people. Her office is also grand central – it is where others go to gossip, get
comfort and any number of over-the-counter prescriptions if they are ill, food if they are
hungry, and a spare dollar if they are short for lunch; she has played the role of
department mother. She is the person who remembers others’ birthdays, bakes the cake,
buys the card for everyone to sign and arranges for monthly potlucks.

Maureen has told Mr. Greene numerous times that she likes the Mixing Bowl and looks
forward to each six month period when she will get to share an office with someone new.
She knew within one day that she and her new office mate, Mr. Dunmore would never hit
it off. She feels like Mr. Dunmore invaded her space with a total disregard for her
preferences. When she moved into the office she intentionally selected the desk away
from the window and positioned her desk so that she can look out at the view. She gets
hot easily and would prefer to have a view than have the afternoon sun hitting her on the
back. She feels like she spends a significant part of her life at her job and wants her work
area to be comfortable and reflective of her personality. She prefers natural light from
the window and lighting from the two lamps she has on her desk and bookcase to the
glare of the overhead fluorescent lighting. She usually has fresh flowers on her desk as
well as a scented candle burning. She also likes to play soft music while she works and
listens to either jazz or classical. On the first day of their sharing space together she went
to the rest room and came back to find the blinds closed and the fluorescent overhead
light on. When she asked him why he had turned it on he said he couldn’t see his
computer. She feels like she tried to explain the importance to her of lighting preferences
and offered to buy him a lamp which he refused, saying he preferred the overhead light.
Within a week he had complained to Mr. Greene that her candle made him sneeze and
that he couldn’ t concentrate with the music playing. She offered to play a different kind
of music and he stated he preferred silence. He also told her that the jokes she passed on
via company e-mail were against company policy and asked her to delete him from her
forwarding list. She knows he complained to Mr. Greene about it bec~use she got a
“Dear All” message from HR reminding everyone of the company poltcy on personal e-
mail. She feels like she has tried to befriend him but he has rebuffed her attempts at
conversation. She baked him a cake when she found out it was his birthday and noticed
he didn ‘t eat any of it. One day she had asked him to please turn the light off because it

was making her hot. He refused but the next day showed up with a space heater and
stated he was ‘cold natured’. The space heater turned the office into an oven. She feels
like he did it intentionally to be ugly towards her. He has started telling fat jokes and
leaving articles about weight loss on her desk. One Friday after he left for the day and
she was working late, she climbed up on the chair and loosened the fluorescent light.
When he came in on Monday he was furious and started yelling at her. A few days later
she noticed that when she left her computer to go to lunch she came back and her e-mails
had all been deleted. She can’t prove that he deleted them but the IT guy said it was hard
to believe only her e-mails were deleted without the system going down or anyone else
having problems with e-mail. She retaliated by turning the thermostat down to 60
degrees before she left one night and the office was like a refrigerator the next morning.
They don’t speak to each other and she has told everyone in the office what a jerk she
thinks he is. People don’t come into her office anymore because the tension is so
noticeable. She has complained to HR and tried to find ways to have him fired but
instead they have asked her to go to mediation or threatened her with disciplinary action.

Elwood ‘s Story

Elwood is thirty-two and has only worked for CSC for two years. He has a masters
degree in education from Old Dominion University and was a supply officer in the Navy.
After getting out of the Navy he decided to go to work for a defense contractor rather
than try and find a job teaching. He is quiet and reserved and was hired to do
configuration management. He does not like some of the personnel practices at CSC and
finds them contrived and juvenile. He does not feel like he comes to work to make
friends or get to know others better, just to do his job and go home. A few months ago
managment made everyone go on a ropes and initiatives course where they had to
collectively climb a 12 foot wall. He would rather socialize and do things with his wife
and small daughter or go fishing by himself. He has asked to be excused from these
activities but is then made to feel like his performance is being negatively evaluated.

As soon has he heard that he was moving in with Maureen he knew he was going to be
miserable. In his opinion she is a fat busy body who manipulates her way out of getting
in trouble for being late all the time by baking cakes. When he saw the low lights in her
office he was immediately irritated, wondering why she was trying to create ambiance in
a work place. The sunlight from the window hit his computer screen and created an
intolerable glare. He had to close the blinds in order to see his computer screen, but then
realized he had no source of light. He didn’t turn on the fluorescent on to annoy her but it
annoys him that she made such a big deal about lighting, acting as if they were a married
couple arguing over a decorating scheme. Her scented candles do make him sneeze, so
does her heavy scented perfume, but he has kept his mouth shut about that. He is sure
she bathes in cologne just to aggravate him since he has made it a point to say to her on
several occasions how bad his allergies are to such things. She is always late and always
on the phone. He knows more about her teenage daughter, her marriage, various recipes,
friends who have cheating husbands and some distant relatives bout with lung cancer
than he ever cares to know. He feels like he can’ t concentrate or breathe in that office.
Between the music, the talking and the interruptions from others coming in to chat, it is
enough to make him scream. Oh, and she’s always claiming she’s hot. He wants to tell
her, “look lady, try losing l00 lbs” and you will be amazed at how much cooler you’ ll
be”. She is always turning the thermostat down and he turns it back up. How is anyone
suppose to work in a frigid environment? And yes he did lose his cool when he came
into work one Monday to find the overhead light didn’ t work and when maintenance
came to replace the bulb, found out that it had been unscrewed. He knew without a doubt
she had done it intentionally.

He has been to Mr. Greene and HR constantly to report her lateness, her disruptions to his
wo~k, her constant talking on the phone, long lunches, etc. to no avail. He has requested
a different office mate several times only to be told this is company policy and he needs
to make it work. After his last visit to HR where they hinted that he was the problem
(“maybe you’re just not a team player . .. . “) he decided to take matters into his own
hands. He did bring_in a sp~ce heater and_tum it up on HIGH to make her literally sweat.
He ~as taken to makmg fat Jokes and leavmg articles about weight loss on her desk,
hopmg to get her to be the one to ask for a transfer. It also irritates him that she is the

s:ne grade as he and she only has a high school diploma. He knows she has been with
t e company for ten years, but still something isn ‘ t right about that situation. He should
~ake more. What is the point of education if you end up on the same level as someone
hke her. It ‘ s hard to look at her now and see how she could have slept around to get this
far but maybe ten years ago she was real good looking. She has accused him of deleting
her e-mail but he knows she must have taken some really important papers that were on
his desk and are now missing. All he knows is he is miserable and just wants to do his
job and go home. He shows up at 7:30 and leaves right at 4:30 because he and his wife
share a car and they have to pick up their daughter from day care. One of the reasons h~
has stayed with CSC is they pay well, the benefits are good and the work schedule fits hts
life style. He works to have enough money to pay the bills and do things he likes to do.
This is not a career or his life, just something he does so he can have a life after hours.
HR sent him a letter telling him he would have to participate in mediation or face
disciplinary action. He is not sure his job is worth the effort or aggravation.

H..W..2

SHORTCUTS

Psychology Assignment

Homework Assignment

Argumentative research

Coursework Assignment

Essay (any type)